INES HAYES
Since the nineteenth century, the geographical insecurity (fear of separatism in Santa Cruz) and pessimistic reading of national history instilled since childhood (the country that lost every war and much of its territory to its neighbors ") went hand in hand with the finding that Bolivia was not just a mining site, whose development, in the words of political liberal Casto Rojas, was to follow the course of their "veins mineralogical. Thus begins the discussion Pablo Stefanoni, director of publishing Bolivia's Le Monde Diplomatique, in the book discuss Bolivia, prospects for a project of decolonization (Taurus) who wrote with Maristella Svampa sociologist and historian Bruno Fornillo.
Who would have imagined that governed Bolivia in the 90 for "Goni" Sanchez de Lozada, a former film producer and mining entrepreneur educated in the United States would take the presidency of Evo Morales, the first indigenous president Latin America? Discuss Bolivia analyzes the characteristics of the road that led to the triumph of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) in 2005, the key action of social movements that occupied the empty places left by unions and traditional political parties, the essence of Being Indian and the role of intellectuals in the process of change. But perhaps the most interesting analysis is to outline the unfathomable challenges of the Bolivian political process in the dilemma between "save Mother Earth" and deepen the industrialization process initiated by the Nationalist Revolution of 1952.
Interviewed by the authors in July 2009, Bolivian Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera tried to answer the big question: "The issue is compounded when indigenous peasants, previously excluded from citizenship and economic power, become the leader block and leading the state (...) Therefore, you have to walk on two feet: to expand as a state policy of environmental protection, sustainable use of nature, yet need to produce large-scale industrialization implement expansion that will enable social surplus for redistribution and support to other rural modernization, community and craft. "
The authors note that while the process of change initiated by Evo Morales has a great deal of originality for having transformed the liberal state in a multinational state, can not ignore its historical roots, from the rebellion of Tupac Katari in 1780 the creation of the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) in 1941, to the Popular Assembly of 1971, interrupted by the coup of Hugo Banzer Suárez.
But if the 1952 revolution, led by Paz Estenssoro, had its pillars in the emerging grassroots unionism, Socialism led by Morales Community is rooted in the indigenous peasant movement, the motor of the constitutional reform of 2006 which is created the Multinational State, in the words of Evo, "puts the Living Well to Live Better indigenous capitalist."
Since taking his first term in early 2006, the MAS government nationalized the oil and telecommunications, conducted a literacy program in a few years transformed Bolivia in the second Latin American country free of illiteracy, social bonds created as Johnny Pinto, la Renta Dignidad and Juana Azurduy and called for a Constituent Assembly through which the Constitution was amended and the State.
In the book we read that the new constitution allowed, among other things, the restructuring of the National Agrarian Reform Institute (INRA) and the layout of the lines of a new land distribution policy. The novelty of this new change is that "reversal is the return of land to state ownership without charge or compensation. And this makes the scope more determined, or if you want, the more radical nature of Bolivian land reform on its predecessor of 1953 and all other similar processes on the continent, "he explains in an exclusive interview with the authors of the book, Ossio Alejandro Almaraz, Deputy Minister of Lands during the first term of Evo Morales. In a country where 62% of the population is indigenous, the land issue becomes crucial.
Far from being a "problem solving", as it was in the characterization of "people sick" liberal thinker Bolivian Alcides Arguedas, today, Bolivia's ethnic identity is a defining feature that is proud to rulers and ruled. Discuss
Bolivia declares that the "Indianness" is not a piece of folklore, much less a museum, but the living essence of the Multinational State. "That was Andes' rather hesitant that says" live well "and socialize the commons against the destruction of social ties and the depleted nature that produces the current deployment of capital indicates the necessary path. So, is a good present for significant misunderstanding utopian, "says Bruno Fornillo in its analysis. While recognizing the uniqueness of the Bolivian situation, Maristella Svampa concludes: "There are few countries that dare to consider these challenges. Hence, the inevitable expectations that the laboratory emancipatory Bolivia continues to attract, but also the dangers and threats that run the project itself for change. "
Since the nineteenth century, the geographical insecurity (fear of separatism in Santa Cruz) and pessimistic reading of national history instilled since childhood (the country that lost every war and much of its territory to its neighbors ") went hand in hand with the finding that Bolivia was not just a mining site, whose development, in the words of political liberal Casto Rojas, was to follow the course of their "veins mineralogical. Thus begins the discussion Pablo Stefanoni, director of publishing Bolivia's Le Monde Diplomatique, in the book discuss Bolivia, prospects for a project of decolonization (Taurus) who wrote with Maristella Svampa sociologist and historian Bruno Fornillo.
Who would have imagined that governed Bolivia in the 90 for "Goni" Sanchez de Lozada, a former film producer and mining entrepreneur educated in the United States would take the presidency of Evo Morales, the first indigenous president Latin America? Discuss Bolivia analyzes the characteristics of the road that led to the triumph of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) in 2005, the key action of social movements that occupied the empty places left by unions and traditional political parties, the essence of Being Indian and the role of intellectuals in the process of change. But perhaps the most interesting analysis is to outline the unfathomable challenges of the Bolivian political process in the dilemma between "save Mother Earth" and deepen the industrialization process initiated by the Nationalist Revolution of 1952.
Interviewed by the authors in July 2009, Bolivian Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera tried to answer the big question: "The issue is compounded when indigenous peasants, previously excluded from citizenship and economic power, become the leader block and leading the state (...) Therefore, you have to walk on two feet: to expand as a state policy of environmental protection, sustainable use of nature, yet need to produce large-scale industrialization implement expansion that will enable social surplus for redistribution and support to other rural modernization, community and craft. "
The authors note that while the process of change initiated by Evo Morales has a great deal of originality for having transformed the liberal state in a multinational state, can not ignore its historical roots, from the rebellion of Tupac Katari in 1780 the creation of the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) in 1941, to the Popular Assembly of 1971, interrupted by the coup of Hugo Banzer Suárez.
But if the 1952 revolution, led by Paz Estenssoro, had its pillars in the emerging grassroots unionism, Socialism led by Morales Community is rooted in the indigenous peasant movement, the motor of the constitutional reform of 2006 which is created the Multinational State, in the words of Evo, "puts the Living Well to Live Better indigenous capitalist."
Since taking his first term in early 2006, the MAS government nationalized the oil and telecommunications, conducted a literacy program in a few years transformed Bolivia in the second Latin American country free of illiteracy, social bonds created as Johnny Pinto, la Renta Dignidad and Juana Azurduy and called for a Constituent Assembly through which the Constitution was amended and the State.
In the book we read that the new constitution allowed, among other things, the restructuring of the National Agrarian Reform Institute (INRA) and the layout of the lines of a new land distribution policy. The novelty of this new change is that "reversal is the return of land to state ownership without charge or compensation. And this makes the scope more determined, or if you want, the more radical nature of Bolivian land reform on its predecessor of 1953 and all other similar processes on the continent, "he explains in an exclusive interview with the authors of the book, Ossio Alejandro Almaraz, Deputy Minister of Lands during the first term of Evo Morales. In a country where 62% of the population is indigenous, the land issue becomes crucial.
Far from being a "problem solving", as it was in the characterization of "people sick" liberal thinker Bolivian Alcides Arguedas, today, Bolivia's ethnic identity is a defining feature that is proud to rulers and ruled. Discuss
Bolivia declares that the "Indianness" is not a piece of folklore, much less a museum, but the living essence of the Multinational State. "That was Andes' rather hesitant that says" live well "and socialize the commons against the destruction of social ties and the depleted nature that produces the current deployment of capital indicates the necessary path. So, is a good present for significant misunderstanding utopian, "says Bruno Fornillo in its analysis. While recognizing the uniqueness of the Bolivian situation, Maristella Svampa concludes: "There are few countries that dare to consider these challenges. Hence, the inevitable expectations that the laboratory emancipatory Bolivia continues to attract, but also the dangers and threats that run the project itself for change. "
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